Between Paris and Geneva, the many faces of Jeffrey Epstein
In 2013 the CEO of Hermès met with the pedophile who was a friend of Ariane de Rothschild. Consultant, confidant, blackmailer, asset or financial criminal. How Epstein functioned in the business world
A meeting which the CEO of Hermès Axel Dumas must regret, and which his company would prefer if most people forgot. At the end of March 2013, the leader of this flagship French luxury brand greeted Jeffrey Epstein, accompanied by Woody Allen, at the Hermès workshop in Pantin (Seine-Saint-Denis). Among the millions of documents released publicly by the US Department of Justice over the past few weeks are several photos documenting the meeting in emails sent on March 28th and 29th, 2013. In them, we see three smiling men. Bali Barret, the deputy artistic director of the company’s women’s line was also present at this exclusive visit.
The meeting came five years after Epstein’s conviction for soliciting an underage prostitute, and a sentence of 18 months in prison. Ever since 2008, the businessman with the powerful friends was a registered sex offender. That didn’t seem to bother his friend Woody Allen at all, or to give Dumas much pause in hosting the two men.
Anne Méaux, the head of Image 7, handles communications for Hermès and its CEO Dumas. I contacted her for an explanation of Dumas’ presence in the Epstein files. At first, she told me that “Jeffrey Epstein tried several times to get in touch with Hermès’ [CEO],” but that he’d “declined two invitations.”
A Parisian escapade with Woody Allen
It wasn’t until I told her that there are photos which show a meeting between the two men that Méaux confirmed the visit at the Hermès atelier, while still trying to minimize it. She explained that the visit was initially supposed to be for Woody Allen, and that Dumas “didn’t know” that Epstein would be accompanying his friend.
In a November 21st, 2013 email from Epstein, we learn that it was Allen’s wife Soon-Yi Previn who organized the visit.
During this Parisian escapade, Epstein spent a good deal of time with Allen and his family, going as far as to leave his jet at their disposition on the 30th of March for a trip to a second destination.
Did he use these friends to get a meeting with the CEO of Hermès? Was Dumas a target? The visit to the workshop by the pedophile was anything but accidental. Since February 2013, Epstein had been trying to meet with Dumas in Paris.
A memo written by Epstein’s assistant from February, 2013 makes that clear by listing Dumas among a list of his close friends and associates in Paris titled “To See.” Among the names: Jack Lang and his daughter Caroline, as well as Daniel [Siad] and Jean-Luc [Brunel].
On the 20th of November, 2013, Epstein finally had the chance to meet Dumas in Paris during a performance by the artist and actress Tilda Swinton at the City of Paris Fashion Museum. Among the beautiful people, these sorts of encounters are common. The very next day, Epstein contacted Dumas’ secretary. Dumas, by way of his assistant, replied that he couldn’t meet Epstein soon because of his busy calendar. A call was clearly scheduled for four days later, as well as a visit at a Hermès store with Woody Allen (see the email below).
“I spoke with Elodie in Mr. Dumas’ office,” Epstein’s assistant wrote to Epstein. “She will look over his schedule and get back to me later in the week re a time to speak for a moment.” Already, these elements call into question the idea that Dumas firmly declined all of Epstein’s invitations.
A discussion years later between Epstein and Steve Bannon, the guru of the American Far Right, raised even more questions. On July 16th, 2018, Bannon asked Epstein if he knew Bernard Arnault, the owner of Hermès’ competitor LVMH. Epstein replies that he has “very close mutual friends” with Arnault, pointing to Jack Lang in particular. Though he doesn’t mention it in his texts, Epstein was also close with Jean-Yves Le Fur, who’s cited in his famous little black book. Le Fur was the owner of the Le Montana nightclub next to Café de Flore in Saint-Germain-des-Prés, which Epstein frequented.
A producer and a publisher (he founded DS, Numéro, and was also owner of Lui for awhile), Le Fur was a person to know in the Paris fashion world and associated with Arnault. Bannon’s isn’t interested in the social niceties of the Parisian fashion world though. Instead he asks about Bernard Arnault’s 2010 attempt to take control of Hermès and what troubles he faced there.
“Axel Dumas. Head of Hermes. Had a better advisor. :),” Epstein responded ambiguously.
A dinner at Ariane de Rothschild
Today, worries at Hermès are focused on plans for a dinner found in messages between Epstein and his very good French friend Ariane de Rothschild from January 2014. De Rothschild, the head of the financial firm Edmond de Rothschild based in Geneva, was also close to Axel Dumas.
On January 22, 2014, Epstein’s assistant contacted Dumas’ secretary again to tell him about an impending visit to Paris by Epstein, and proposed a meeting between the three of them with Ariane de Rothschild. Two days later, Dumas’ assistant replied that he’d “be delighted” to meet Epstein and their mutual friend. Far from declining the invitation, she proposed that they meet at 5:30 PM on January 30th, 2014 at the Sofitel Le Faubourg on rue Boissy d’Anglas in the 8th arrondissement.
Two days later, Epstein changed his mind about the arrangements for the meeting and decided to invite Dumas to come to a more casual dinner at De Rothschild’s in the evening at 8:30 PM, where they’d be joined by the former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak. In emails between Rothschild and Epstein on January 27th (see below), Epstein proposed an “informal” group dinner including the filmmaker Michel Hazanavicius, as well as “Axel Dumas and his wife.” Rothschild also proposed inviting the businessman Charles Beigbeder and “two more [40-something] CEOs.”
Ultimately the dinner plans were canceled because Ehud Barak was only going to have a day in Paris, and Dumas’ office warned him that he had a very tight schedule. At the beginning of February, Epstein tried again to meet the CEO within the next few days, but his assistant told him that he was traveling. In the current batch of messages released by the Justice Department, no other exchanges exist between the two assistants.
Today, the “Epstein files” are giving the European and Parisian business world cold sweats. Crisis management consultants haven’t wasted any time trying to influence the media narrative. A few hours after my exchanges with Anne Méaux, a X account called CitizenMedia opportunistically published an email from the Epstein Files from 2016 showing that Hermès refused a donation from Epstein to their philanthropic arm. In just a few hours, surprisingly, the message, which didn’t mention Dumas, garnered. 2.2 million views.
Several journalists and influencers shared it, highlighting the idea that the company was irreproachable when it came to Epstein, and far more prudent than Jack Lang had been. All the better to make people forget about the 2013 visit to the Hermès workshop and the discussions about the dinner plans?
Ariane de Rothschild, 4440 times
The Epstein files throws a harsh light on something I often document in my work: the insular world of Parisian and global business circles. To get close with the key figures in Paris’ economic and financial hub, Jeffrey Epstein skillfully employed his close ties to the powerful. It’s important to note that despite their often expensively compensated advice in the fields of communications, security, and even private intelligence, economic and political leaders still often fall into traps set by ill-intentioned courtiers. Faced with Epstein’s multiple criminal intentions, the protective insularity of these circles backfired on those who usually benefit from it.
For example, on the morning of the 27th of June, 2012, Karim Wade asked Epstein for the address of his apartment in Paris (see below). Wade, the son of the former Senegalese president, is a mining consultant for African heads of state.
Epstein replied by sending him the address and a code to enter the building. Wade replied thanking him, and adding that he’ll send it to Anne Lauvergeon. A year before Lauvergeon had left Areva, the nuclear company, where she was president.
“See you this afternoon,” Wade finished his exchange with Epstein.
When I contacted Lauvergeon, she quickly denied any meeting with Epstien.
“Total surprise: I never met Epstein. And I don’t remember any type of invitation like this.”
Elsewhere in the Epstein Files we learn that Epstein’s friend, the journalist Edward Jay Epstein (he frequently calls him “Ed”) proposed a lunch in New York on June 17th, 2013 with Serge Weinberg. At the time, Weinberg was CEO of the pharmaceutical company Sanofi. He’s also a former administrator at Rothschild & Co, and a close friend of President Emmanuel Macron (it was Weinberg who got Macron hired at Rothschild & co, where he worked between 2008 and 2012).
Questioned about these lunch plans, Weinberg was categorical: “Ed Epstein is an investigative journalist who my wife knows, and who I’ve met three times. I was never informed that he invited Jeffrey Epstein to lunch at his place. The lunch you’re describing never happened and I have no idea about any of it. I’ve never been to Ed Epstein’s home.”
Another example: the conductor Frédéric Chaslin informed Epstein in an email on August 13th, 2016, that he’d had lunch a few days earlier with Sébastien Bazin, the head of the Accor group. Bazin, who was also the president of the Châtelet theater at the time, told Chaslin that “he knew you.”
I questioned one of Bazin’s advisors about such a suggestion, who I trust will reply to me soon.
But now, we return to the relationship between Jeffrey Epstein and Ariane de Rothschild, the head of the Edmond de Rothschild group. Both a friendship and working relationship, it’s now undeniable, and two were clearly particularly close. For comparison, De Rothschild’s name is cited 4,440 times in the Epstein files, while Trump’s appears 4,732 times. It’s difficult today to deny the great proximity between the two.
As the Financial Times highlighted, Jeffrey Epstein was more than an advisor to Ariane de Rothschild: he quickly became a “confidant.” This proximity gave Epstein a “privileged position of influence at the heart of one of Europe’s most powerful banking families,” according to the newspaper. After the death of the company’s founder Edmond de Rothschild, Epstein encouraged Ariane (Edmond’s daughter-in-law) to seize control of the operational management of the bank. Her husband Benjamin, the heir, was content with the presidency of the executive committee until his death, by heart attack, in January 2021. “[I]t was clear that Ariane was in charge,” the Financial Times commented.
In 2013, the US launched an prosecutorial offensive against Swiss banks, accusing them of helping American citizens conceal their assets. Under threat by the US Justice Department, Edmond de Rothschild successfully negotiated a $45 million fine on December 18th, 2015, in large part due to the efforts of Jeffrey Epstein. The bank paid him well for his intervention, transferring the modest sum of $25 million to the Southern Trust Company, one of his businesses registered in the US Virgin Islands.
In 2023, Ariane de Rothschild attempted to minimize this relationship to the Wall Street Journal, who first reported on the story, by claiming she’d only had a few exchanges with Epstein. As the Financial Times puts it, the thousands of emails and messages between the two paint a completely different picture, with “the French banker shar[ing] private confidences with Epstein.”
Or in the words of how Le Monde put it on February 4th, the two shared “a real proximity.” According to the newspaper, Edmond de Rothschild admitted to the existence of a “professional relationship” between the Ariane de Rothschild and Jeffrey Epstein, which developed into a “more personal relationship … over the years.”
“I’m freaking out and scared I won’t be up to the job,” De Rothschild confessed to Epstein in a surprisingly open way in February 2015, not long after she took control of the bank. “You never have to hide from me, i can listen, and advise or just listen, there is nothign [sic] you can tell me that shocks me,” Epstein wrote to her in another email later in the year after she commented about difficulties in her marriage.
The two also sent emails to each other attesting to dinners together, gifts, and visits, and swapped lifestyle tips. Epstein furnished her with contacts to help one of her daughters get into college, and they shared vacation ideas with each other as well as observations from their daily lives. Ariane also didn’t hesitate to bring one of her daughters to meet Epstein in the United States, nor did the idea that another of her daughters was exchanging many messages with him give her pause. In short, between 2013 and 2019, “Jeff” became a friend of the family.
In several emails, Jeffrey Epstein suggested to De Rothschild that private detectives were investigating her husband’s alleged issues with substance abuse. Epstein tried to convince Ariane that she should distance her husband even further from the operational management of the bank.
“i think you should prepare a custodian motion against benjamin, and give him the choice of you filing the motion or he resigning,” Epstein emailed Ariane in April 2015. “he is out of control and a danger to you and family.” Ariane never took Epstein’s advice, and Benjamin de Rothschild remained president of the bank until his death.
In a battle between Rothschilds, Epstein pulled the strings
On the business front, Epstein handled plenty of other matters for Edmond de Rothschild while the company went through a particularly tumultuous period. During one major overhaul, Epstein suggested a series of candidates to replace senior executives. He also tried to launch discussions about a possible merger with the American investment fund Apollo Global Management, which was co-founded by his close friend Leon Black. Epstein was also responsible for handling an investigation by Luxembourg into a scandal linked to 1MBD, the Malaysian sovereign wealth fund.
The sprawling case of embezzlement, where around $4 billion may have been involved, saw Edmond de Rothschild raided by the police and fined €9 million by the Luxembourgish financial regulator.
Finally, Epstein advised Ariane de Rothschild on some of the finer points in a conflict between her bank and Rothschild & Co, the Parisian investment bank founded by David de Rothschild. That conflict turned around a dispute over commercial exploitation of the family name in each company’s respective activities.
Over a few short years, the conflict poisoned the relationship between the different branches of the family. An agreement was reached in the beginning of 2018 and the hatchet was buried, at least for the moment.
Epstein wasn’t the only person interested in the matter.
“Emmanuel Macron played a role in the reconciliation between Rothschild & Co and the Edmond de Rothschild group,” a Parisian banker assured me several years ago, as I reported in “L’Emprise”. As usual, Macron played opposing networks against each other, working for Rothschild & Co all while having a foot in Edmond de Rothschild’s camp. It was a balancing act which he relished. Ariane de Rothschild and Emmanuel Macron share numerous mutual connections, including the powerful insurance broker Pierre Donnersberg, the founder of Diot Siaci (initially opened in 1988 within the Compagnie Financière Edmond de Rothschild), or the banker Tidjane Thiam, general director of Crédit Suisse between 2015 and 2020.
“[I] just finished a dinner with the heads of major insurance c=s [sic] in France to prepare (hopefully) future investments in state rea[l] estate … [I] should see Macron in coming weeks[,] I have lunch tom[orrow] with Tidjane Thiam,” Ariane de Rothschild wrote to Epstein on January 26th, 2016. Epstein seems to have known Thiam too, if we’re to believe this strange email sent to Epstein by the lawyer David Stern, who forwarded a news report about Thiam to Epstein: “He was more drunk, standing with us, when [redacted] walked past.…”
It was while working with Edmond de Rothschild that Jeffrey Epstein and Olivier Colom became close. Colom, formerly a senior diplomatic advisor to Nicolas Sarkozy while he was president, became an advisor, then secretary general of the bank in 2013. As the Epstein Files document, the two men became very close, to the point that they sent each other numerous sexist emails. For example, Epstein confided in Colom that he was on his “island in the caribean [sic] , with an aquarium full of girls[.]” Today, Colom has reinvented himself as a consultant to several African heads of state (through his company OC Advisory Ltd).
Sarkozy’s former advisor proposes a deal in North Korea
In their articles about Colom, Mediapart and Politico neglect several important details. Before becoming a presidential advisor under Sarkozy, Colom worked for two years alongside Tony Blair, the former British Prime Minister who became an international consultant. Next, Colom joined the board of Endeavour Mining, a mining company specializing in gold which was managed by his friend Sébastien de Montessus, the former number three at Areva (as I mentioned in this article). The primary shareholder in Endeavour Mining is the Egyptian billionaire Naguib Sawiris (in September 2025, we found him at Tony Blair’s side for his “peace plan” in Gaza).
Colom’s close business relationship with the primary shareholder of Endeavour Mining could explain why Colom was able to offer his friend Epstein a “huge” and “ultra confidential” opportunity in North Korea. Between 2008 and 2018, Sawiris gambled on an investment in the closed-off country through his telecoms subsidiary Orascom to build a 3G phone network.
“Very [interested],” Epstein replied to Colom. The North Korean regime was clearly of interest to Epstein, and appears in more than a thousand messages in the Epstein Files, notably on the subject of its nuclear program.
The Maxwell connection in the 1980s
Jeffrey Epstein wasn’t only a businessman, a jet-setter, and a multi-millionaire. The reason the case remains so sensitive is because it disturbs the arrangements of intelligence networks across the world. Behind Epstein’s appearance as a well-connected operator on the surface, and the system of sexual predation concealed beneath it, other motives are hidden which are still difficult to talk about in France, even though the Anglo-American press has already extensively documented them: espionage and major financial crimes.
In July 2019, the Israeli and South African journalist Zev Shalev, a former producer at CBS and today the author of the newsletter Narativ, opened the door on this aspect of the case. In an exclusive interview, Ari Ben-Menashe, a former Israeli intelligence agent, revealed that the British tycoon Robert Maxwell, himself a triple Mossad-KGB-MI6 agent, introduced Epstein to the Israeli military intelligence service at the beginning of the 1980s. Ben-Menashe also confirmed that Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell, Robert’s daughter, were acting as agents of Israeli military intelligence: “These guys were seen as agents... they found a niche for themselves, blackmailing American and other political figures for the Israelis.”
This narrative helps shed some light on the very close relationship between Epstein and Ehud Barak, who led Israel’s Military Intelligence Directorate (Aman) before become the head of the IDF’s Chief of the General Staff between 1991 and 1995, then Prime Minister of Israel.
In the middle of the 1970s, when he was working as a trader at Bear Stearns, Epstein discreetly quit the financial firm following an internal investigation into him on insider trading. It was at this point that he started working with two notorious arms dealers, the British Douglas Leese, and the Saudi Adnan Khashoggi.
Alongside them, Epstein became a specialist in covert financial architecture.
“The next job Jeffrey Epstein was able to get was alongside the CEO Douglas Leese, who managed an offshore company,” one of Epstein’s mentors Steven Hoffenberg, told Narativ. “Epstein was hired to handle money laundering, investment banking, and all sorts of criminal activities around the world. Adnan Khashoggi was linked to this group of companies which helped educate Jeffrey Epstein.” If we believe this account Epstein started working for Robert Maxwell, at first in the Iran-Contra operation, then by putting his skills at the service of a vast system of money laundering with funds coming from the collapsing Soviet Union. Epstein then inherited this financial architecture between the East and the West after Robert Maxwell’s suspicious death in November 1991, Steven Hoffenberg told Zev Shalev.
“There was a transfer of power between the father, Robert Maxwell, and his daughter Ghislaine, who called on her lover and boyfriend Jeffrey Epstein to take over her father’s intelligence activities.”
However, according to his official biography, Epstein didn’t meet Ghislaine Maxwell until her “exile” in New York starting in 1992. This version, of a meeting between Maxwell and Epstein in the 80s, which has been documented by Shalev and many other Russia specialists, turns the case upside down. It was in the same time period that Epstein met Donald Trump, who became a cog in the machine put in place under Maxwell’s umbrella, a system which proved very profitable for numerous Russian oligarchs in the 1990s.
Robert Maxwell, Jack Lang, and the Privatization of TF1
It’s this that makes the lies by Jack Lang and his daughter Caroline, both cornered by Mediapart, understandable. When the story first came out, the two both tried to minimize their relationship with Jeffrey Epstein. In multiple media appearances, they explained that they never met him before 2013. That narrative agrees with the documents released by the American justice system. The majority of the documents, including emails and text messages, released to the public start around this time period. But the narrative crumbles based on other facts.
When Caroline Lang started her career in media and the cultural world, her first job in 1989 was at Maxwell Communication, a media company led by Robert Maxwell. Jack Lang, who was Minister of Culture and Communication from 1981 to 1986, knew the tycoon very well at the time, and frequently associated with him. Surprisingly, this story has been ignored, despite explaining the proximity between the Lang family and the Maxwell system. To understand it, we need to dive back into a major book by the journalists Pierre Péan and Christophe Nick, ‘TF1, un pouvoir’ (‘TF1, a power’ in English), published in 1997 by Fayard (by the great editor Claude Durand).
Robert Maxwell’s wife was French, and her family comes for the Southwest. Maxwell also loved France for its opportunities for profit and power. We forget now, but in the 1980s British interests made a dramatic entry into the world of French business. This was particularly true in an audiovisual sector in the midst of an upheaval, with the decision by the new Socialist Party to create privately held television channels.
As Péan and Nick report, under president François Mitterrand Maxwell enjoyed easy access to the Élysée. In August 1985, Maxwell met Mitterand to discuss the future television channel “La Cinq.” At the other side of the table was Silvio Berlusconi, who already owned channels in Italy. In an attempt to curry favor with the government, Maxwell announced that he’d put 150 million francs on the table to finance the construction of the Grande Arche de la Défense, one of the “Grands Travaux” dear to Mitterand’s heart. The project was in part shepherded politically by Jack Lang, and constructed mostly by…the Bouygues group. The development of La Défense bound the three men together: “Bouygues, Maxwell, and Mitterand met together around the Grande Arche,” the journalists note in their book.
Though he didn’t end up getting his way with La Cinq, Maxwell scored a big victory during the Chirac-Mitterand government. At the end of 1986, he was particularly active around the Élysée. Bouygues was looking for an important shareholder to finalize its next financing round for the privatization of TF1, a decision made by Chirac when he became Prime Minster. Though he was already a successful entrepreneur in the construction of public works, Francis Bouygues was eager to take over the leading public television channel, but lacked the cash necessary. The leading contender for the channel was the Hachette group lead by Jean-Luc Lagardère, who had backing of Chirac, so Mitterand thought it would be a good idea to put together a competing offer. While Bouygues was far from being on the left, he always maintained good relations with the Socialist president, and assured him that he’d stay neutral when he became the head of TF1. To Mitterand’s satisfaction, Maxwell & Bouygues first made contact in November 1986.
Maxwell “Brought in Lang”
Lang, at this point no longer minister, kept an eye on the TF1 dossier for Mitterand. After the “Léotard” law endorsing the privatization of TF1 passed, Lang lunched with Bouygues. At the time, Lang was in constant contact with Robert Maxwell. In February 1987, after a quick visit from Patrick Le Lay (the future head of TF1) to Maxwell’s London offices, Maxwell decided to invest 750 million francs. At a 12.5% share of the soon-to-be privatized TF1, it was the maximum amount a foreigner was allowed to invest.
“Maxwell entering the offer was a new and positive sign,” Mitterand’s former cabinet director Jean-Claude Colliard remembered. “‘Captain Bob’ had a good reputation in the Élysée since he saved the Grande Arche. The president was charmed by the man, who was also supported by Jacques Attali and Jack Lang. Maxwell said that he was ‘ready to buy anything that moves.’”
On the 3rd of April,1987, Bouygues presented his business partner to the CNCL.
“Robert Maxwell, as you know, was born in Czechoslovakia. After his country was invaded by the Germans, he joined the Resistance. He was sentenced to death, but escaped and entered France. He joined the French Army until June 1940, when he crossed the English Channel and joined the British Army,” Bouygues said. “In 1945 he married a French woman. His company is the largest scientific publishing company in the world, and he’s number two in the world in printing. Robert Maxwell’s holdings include dozens of daily papers. His main paper is the Daily Mirror, which prints three and a half million copies a day.”
“[Maxwell’s] other side ... brings to mind somebody more like Stavisky[, a financier and embezzler,] in the France of the 1930s,” Péan and Nick note ironically in their book.
This cordial relationship between Francis Bouygues and Robert Maxwell didn’t last long. While they succeeded in their attempt to take over TF1, the alliance quickly crumbled over who would control the channel. They’d both signed a secret preliminary agreement which gave Maxwell controlling power in the channel. But Bouygues didn’t want to listen to it. He quickly sidelined Ian Maxwell, Robert’s son, who he’d appointed international head of the channel. After Mitterand’s reelection in 1988, it was total war.
Bouygues believed that behind all of Maxwell’s activity, the hand of the Élysée wasn’t far.
“They had Jack Lang contact the president of the Superior Audiovisual Council (CSA),” Péan and Nick reported. The president took a meeting with Samuel Pisar, Maxwell’s lawyer, to discuss the breach of the secret agreement. All throughout this period, Maxwell was also involved in a war over the control of the advertising and public relations firm Havas (at one point, he bought 4.7% of the company).
“Robert Maxwell weaved his web just as well at Bercy [the finance ministry] as he did in the Élysée,” Péan and Nick commented. Along with his relationship with Lang and Attali, Maxwell became close to Jean-Charles Naouri, the former cabinet director of Pierre Bérégovoy, who became an investment banker for Rothschild then a major player in the Parisian finance world. At the beginning of 1991, Maxwell decided to throw in the towel and sell his stake in TF1 to Goldman Sachs, who subsequently sold the shares to French banks who supported Bouygues. Strangely, Jack Lang never mentioned this history when explaining his proximity to Jeffrey Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell. The ex-culture minister might not want to open the Maxwell case again, and all it inherited from the time of Mitterand.
Added Thursday, February 12th at 12h45: this morning, on the sidelines of the presentation of Hermès’ annual performance report, the company’s CEO Axel Dumas felt obligated to explain his meeting with Jeffrey Epstein to the international economic press. According to Dumas, Epstein “forced” his way into a meeting with him as part of an attempt by LVMH to take over Hermès. As a young CEO Dumas represented, he believed, a “target” for this “financial predator.” Read the Reuters dispatch.
I would like to thank the journalist Marlon Ettinger for translating this article into English.